 |
1. Western Maluku Tenggara Ancestor statuettes originating from western Maluku Tenggara, especially, are known for their aesthetic qualities. In particular, the design of figures which had a permanent place were the early target of collectors and because of this there is, relatively, a good deal of information about these statues available. Identity In many instances the statuettes reflected the identity of the deceased. Gender and personality traits were incorporated and sometimes the profession or speciality of the dead person was portrayed. On Babar, for example, a statuette of a blacksmith, holding a piece of iron to represent his trade, was collected. This effect was achieved by carving the figure around a nail driven into the wood beforehand. Castes In places where there was a caste system (as on Leti and neighbouring islands) the statuettes usually reflected the caste to which the deceased belonged. In the account of his journey to Leti, where he stayed in 1888, Jacobsen (1896: 139) reported extensively on this subject. In pictures and text he stated that members of the highest caste, the marna, were portrayed with earrings and head decorations that were 'reminiscent of bishops' mitres'. By the latter Jacobsen undoubtedly meant the golden headdresses which were mentioned in the discussion of the luli statues and which served as a mark of distinction in the Leti islands, among other places.
According to Jacobsen, members of the lowest caste (ate, slaves) were generally depicted without jewellery, and members of the intermediate caste (wusuru) with earrings and a feather headdress. These statues were always of men, because feather decoration indicated a man's role as a warrior. Sex It can be deduced from various sources that on Leti the position of the legs was linked to the sex of the person portrayed. Dead men were depicted with their legs raised, in a crouching position; dead women with their legs crossed in what is known as the bersila position. It is known that on surrounding islands people were less consistent in this, although almost everywhere 'ordinary' ancestors are depicted sitting down or crouching. Christian figures It is striking that some statuettes, carved during the period of transition to Protestantism, reflect the Christian identity of the deceased. On this subject Van Hoëvell remarked in 1895 (135) that "The Christians of these islands still produce these figures, yet in a more modern manner, painted, dressed, with tall hats on their heads and sitting on chairs." Van Hoëvell illustrated his remark with drawings of statues that he collected in the village of Jerusu on Roma; similar statues can be found in the museum's collection (RMV 3109-1). The status of the deceased is also reflected in these 'modern' statuettes. By becoming Christians people were, in a certain sense, putting themselves on an equal footing with the Dutch occupiers and they considered themselves to be superior to non-Christians. Painting and clothing the statuettes, however, was not directly related to Christianity. On many islands people had for centuries painted (or incorporated coloured motifs) and clothed the statues. In this respect the hat and the western chair on which the deceased is portrayed are much more typical. In their time both these were signs of 'modern' distinction. 'House founder' Although they belonged to the 'later ancestors' on all the islands there were descendants of founding ancestors who acted at a lower level as 'founders' and for this reason after their death they were portrayed in a special manner. Examples of this are sculptures from Leti which represent the founders of families who once shared a house. The ancestor figures - often beautifully worked - were placed on pillars. A good example is the statuette collected on the island by Van Hoëvell at the end of the 19th century. The 'house founder' is sitting on a round wooden pillar more than half a metre tall (RMV 776-68) and, according to the collector, he looks after the interests of everybody living in the house.[12] Station The place where these statues were erected, varied. In the Babar archipelago they were usually placed in caves near the village. Here, in the semi-darkness, the villagers communicated with the 'shadows' of their ancestors. Only during the great fertility ritual, the porka festival - which will be discussed later - were the statues taken out of the caves. The celebration of this feast demanded the presence in the village of all members of the community, the dead as well as the living. The dead, in the form of statues, were given a place in the centre of the village. Further to the west - on Leti, Moa and Lakor, for example - the ancestor figures often stood in the attic of the house, sometimes grouped in a model of a boat ((RMV 3090-3). The 'shadow' of the deceased was 'enticed' into a newly-made statuette by laying the statuette on a gold plate and then carrying it to the attic. A similar situation existed on Roma, Damar and Kisar. The 'shadows' were thought to enter and leave the attic through openings in the facade or via special shutters installed for this purpose. 'Namesake' Not all the statuettes, however, had a permanent position. Besides the statuette that was placed in a cave or in the attic, an extra model, intended to be carried around, was often made of a deceased person with whom there was a special bond (especially the 'namesake', the ancestor after whom someone was named). These statues were given a separate name (for example, on Leti they were known as rusna) and were only a few centimetres in height (RMV 1139-9). They were made from all sorts of material, such as wood, ivory and caribou horn. According to some sources there were also figurines of gold and silver. Hardness In contrast to the statues placed in caves and attics, the hardness of the material used for this small type was very important. This criterion was because of its use as a 'battle amulet' - the statuettes were made especially for carrying into dangerous situations. The warriors carried them on a chain or in a little basket round the neck, or in a belt round the body. The statuettes represented the male ancestors who gave them the power to kill their enemies. The hardness of the figures expressed the great reputation of the helping ancestors. On the islands hardness is a symbol of a warrior's power and invincibility. In songs warriors are often compared to hard types of wood, and this relationship was also expressed in other material cultural expressions. For example, on various islands figures representing the former heavenly deity - a 'great hunter' - were called aitiehra, a word which literally means 'hard wood'. Clothing The deadly powers of the ancestors were also expressed by the red lengths of imported cloth with which some statuettes were 'clothed'. The red cloth was associated with the double meaning that was ascribed to the colour in Maluku Tenggara. On the one hand in a context of 'coolness' it refers to fertility and new life (see the luli), on the other, in a context of war ('heat') it indicates the deadly power of the warrior. During battle warriors often wore a red band of imported material around their head. Home-made fabrics were never used to express 'heat'; these cloths were associated with 'coolness'. Instead of strips of red cloth, pieces of basta cloths, printed with red patterns (RMV 1241-321) and obtained through the Dutch East India Company, were also used. | |
